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Amidst all the clutter, beyond all the obstacles, aside from all the static, are the goals set. Put your head down, do the best job possible, let the flak pass, and work towards those goals.
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Arguments of convenience lack integrity and inevitably trip you up.
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As you know, you go to war with the Army you have. They're not the Army you might want or wish to have at a later time.
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Be able to resign. It will improve your value to the President and do wonders for your performance.
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Be precise. A lack of precision is dangerous when the margin of error is small.
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Be yourself. Follow your instincts. Success depends, at least in part, on the ability to "carry it off."
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Being Vice President is difficult. Don't make it tougher.
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Beware when any idea is promoted primarily because it is "bold, exciting, innovative, and new." There are many ideas that are "bold, exciting, innovative and new," but also foolish.
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Congress, the press, and the bureaucracy too often focus on how much money or effort is spent, rather than whether the money or effort actually achieves the announced goal.
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Control your time. If you're working off your in-box, you're working off the priorities of others. Be sure the staff is working on what you move to them from the President, or the President will be reacting, not leading.
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Death has a tendency to encourage a depressing view of war.
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Don't 'over-control' like a novice pilot. Stay loose enough from the flow that you can observe it, modify, and improve it.
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Don't accept the post or stay unless you have an understanding with the President that you're free to tell him what you think "with the bark off" and you have the courage to do it.
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Don't automatically obey Presidential directives if you disagree or if you suspect he hasn't considered key aspects of the issue.
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Don't be a bottleneck. If a matter is not a decision for the President or you, delegate it. Force responsibility down and out. Find problem areas, add structure and delegate. The pressure is to do the reverse. Resist it.
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Don't begin to think you're the President. You're not. The Constitution provides for only one.
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Don't blame the boss. He has enough problems.
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Don't divide the world into "them" and "us." Avoid infatuation with or resentment of the press, the Congress, rivals, or opponents. Accept them as facts. They have their jobs and you have yours.
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Don't do or say things you would not like to see on the front page of The Washington Post.
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Don't necessarily avoid sharp edges. Occasionally they are necessary to leadership.
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Don't say "the White House wants." Buildings can't want.
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Don't speak ill of your predecessors or successors. You didn't walk in their shoes.
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Don't think of yourself as indispensable or infallible. As Charles De Gaulle said, the cemeteries of the world are full of indispensable men.
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Enjoy your time in public service. It may well be one of the most interesting and challenging times of your life.
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Find ways to decentralize. Move decision making authority down and out. Encourage a more entrepreneurial approach.
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First rule of politics: you can't win unless you're on the ballot. Second rule: If you run, you may lose. And, if you tie, you do not win.
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From where you sit, the White House may look as untidy as the inside of a stomach. As is said of the legislative process, sausage-making and policy-making shouldn't be seen close-up. Don't let that panic you. Things may be going better than they look from the inside.
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Have a deputy and develop a successor. Don't be consumed by the job or you'll risk losing your balance. Keep your mooring lines to the outside world - family, friends, neighbors, people out of government, and people who may not agree with you.
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I can't tell you if the use of force in Iraq today will last five days, five weeks or five months, but it won't last any longer than that.
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I don't do quagmires.
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I'm not into this detail stuff. I'm more concepty.
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If a prospective Presidential approach can't be explained clearly enough to be understood well, it probably hasn't been thought through well enough. If not well understood by the American people, it probably won't "sail" anyway. Send it back for further thought.
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If in doubt, don't. If still in doubt, do what's right.
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If in doubt, move decisions up to the President.
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If the staff lacks policy guidance against which to test decisions, their decisions will be random.
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If you are not criticized, you may not be doing much.
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If you develop rules, never have more than ten.
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If you foul up, tell the President and correct it fast. Delay only compounds mistakes.
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If you try to please everybody, somebody's not going to like it.
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Imagine, a September 11 with weapons of mass destruction. It's not 3,000. It's tens of thousands of innocent men, women and children.
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In our system leadership is by consent, not command. To lead a President must persuade. Personal contacts and experiences help shape his thinking. They can be critical to his persuasiveness and thus to his leadership.
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In politics, every day is filled with numerous opportunities for serious error. Enjoy it.
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In the execution of Presidential decisions work to be true to his views, in fact and tone.
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Include others. As Senator Pat Moynihan said, "Stubborn opposition to proposals often has no other basis than the complaining question, 'Why wasn't I consulted?'"
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Inspectors do not have the duty or the ability to uncover terrible weapons hidden in a vast country. The responsibility of inspectors is simply to confirm evidence of voluntary and total disarmament. Saddam Hussein has the responsibility to provide that evidence, as directed, and in full.
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It is easier to get into something than to get out of it.
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It is very difficult to spend "federal (the taxpayers') dollars" so that the intended result is achieved.
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It isn't making mistakes that's critical; it's correcting them and getting on with the principal task.
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Keep your sense of humor. As General Joe Stillwell said, "The higher a monkey climbs, the more you see of his behind."
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Know that the amount of criticism you receive may correlate somewhat to the amount of publicity you receive.
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Know that the immediate staff and others in the Administration will assume that your manner, tone and tempo reflect the President's.
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Learn to say "I don't know." If used when appropriate, it will be often.
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Leave the President's family business to him. You will have plenty to do without trying to manage the First Family. They are likely to do fine without your help.
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Let your family, staff, and friends know that you're still the same person, despite all the publicity and notoriety that accompanies your position.
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Look for what's missing. Many advisors can tell a President how to improve what's proposed or what's gone amiss. Few are able to see what isn't there.
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Make decisions about the President's personal security. He can overrule you, but don't ask him to be the one to counsel caution.
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Many people around the President have sizeable egos before entering government, some with good reason. Their new positions will do little to moderate their egos.
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Members of the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate are not there by accident. Each managed to get there for some reason. Learn what it was and you will know something important about them, about our country and about the American people.
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Most of the 50 or so invitations you receive each week come from people inviting the President's Chief of Staff, not you. If you doubt that, ask your predecessor how many he received last week.
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Move decisions out to the Cabinet and agencies. Strengthen them by moving responsibility, authority, and accountability their direction.
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Napoleon was asked, "Who do you consider to be the greatest generals?" He responded saying, "The victors."
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Oh my goodness gracious, what you can buy off the Internet in terms of overhead photography. A trained ape can know an awful lot of what is going on in this world, just by punching on his mouse, for a relatively modest cost.
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One of your tasks is to separate the "personal" from the "substantive." The two can become confused, especially if someone rubs the President wrong.
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Our task, your task... is to try to connect the dots before something happens. People say, 'Well, where's the smoking gun?' Well, we don't want to see a smoking gun from a weapon of mass destruction.
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People say, 'Well, where's the smoking gun?' Well, we don't want to see a smoking gun from a weapon of mass destruction.
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Plan backwards as well as forward. Set objectives and trace back to see how to achieve them. You may find that no path can get you there. Plan forward to see where your steps will take you, which may not be clear or intuitive.
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Politics is human beings; it's addition rather than subtraction.
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Preserve the President's options. He may need them.
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Presidential leadership needn't always cost money. Look for low- and no-cost options. They can be surprisingly effective.
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Prune - prune businesses, products, activities, people. Do it annually.
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Public servants are paid to serve the American people. Do it well.
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Reduce the layers of management. They put distance between the top of an organization and the customers.
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Reduce the number of lawyers. They are like beavers - they get in the middle of the stream and dam it up.
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Remember where you came from.
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Secretary Powell and I agree on every single issue that has ever been before this administration except for those instances where Colin's still learning.
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See that the President, the Cabinet and staff are informed. If cut out of the information flow, their decisions may be poor, not made, or not confidently or persuasively implemented.
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Strive to make proposed solutions as self-executing as possible. As the degree of discretion increases, so too does bureaucracy, delay, and expense.
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Test ideas in the marketplace. You learn from hearing a range of perspectives. Consultation helps engender the support decisions need to be successfully implemented.
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The Federal Government should be the last resort, not the first. Ask if a potential program is truly a federal responsibility or whether it can better be handled privately, by voluntary organizations, or by local or state governments.
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The most underestimated risk for a politician is overexposure.
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The price of being close to the President is delivering bad news. You fail him if you don't tell him the truth. Others won't do it.
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The Secretary of Defense is not a super General or Admiral. His task is to exercise civilian control over the Department for the Commander-in-Chief and the country.
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The way to do well is to do well.
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There are a lot of people who lie and get away with it, and that's just a fact.
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There are known knowns. These are things we know that we know. There are known unknowns. That is to say, there are things that we know we don't know. But there are also unknown unknowns. There are things we don't know we don't know.
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Think ahead. Don't let day-to-day operations drive out planning.
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Treat each federal dollar as if it was hard earned; it was - by a taxpayer.
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Visit with your predecessors from previous Administrations. They know the ropes and can help you see around some corners. Try to make original mistakes, rather than needlessly repeating theirs.
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Walk around. If you are invisible, the mystique of the President's office may perpetuate inaccurate impressions about you or the President, to his detriment. After all, you may not be as bad as they're saying.
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Watch for the "not invented here" syndrome.
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Watch the growth of middle level management. Don't automatically fill vacant jobs. Leave some positions unfilled for 6-8 months to see what happens. You will find you won't need to fill some of them.
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When asked for your views, by the press or others, remember that what they really want to know is the President's views.
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When cutting staff at the Pentagon, don't eliminate the thin layer that assures civilian control.
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When someone with a rural accent says, "I don't know much about politics," zip up your pockets.
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When you raise issues with the President, try to come away with both that decision and also a precedent. Pose issues so as to evoke broader policy guidance. This can help to answer a range of similar issues likely to arise later.
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With the press there is no "off the record."
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Work continuously to trim the White House staff from your first day to your last. All the pressures are to the contrary.
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You will launch many projects, but have time to finish only a few. So think, plan, develop, launch and tap good people to be responsible. Give them authority and hold them accountable. Trying to do too much yourself creates a bottleneck.
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You're thinking of Eurpoe as Germany and France. I don't. I think that's old Europe.
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Your performance depends on your people. Select the best, train them and back them. When errors occur, give sharper guidance. If errors persist or if the fit feels wrong, help them move on. The country cannot afford amateur hour in the White House.

Biography

Donald Henry Rumsfeld (born July 9, 1932) is the current Secretary of Defense of the United States, since January 20, 2001, under President George W. Bush. His current term of office is as the 21st Secretary of Defense, and he is the oldest person to have held that position. He served under President Gerald Ford as the 13th Secretary of Defense from 1975 to 1977, making him also the youngest person to have held the job. Rumsfeld has also had a long career in private industry and public service.

Rumsfeld has been married to his wife Joyce since 1954. They have three children and six grandchildren. He was selected as one of the world's sexiest men in the December 2, 2002 issue of People magazine.

Critics of the war in Iraq accuse him of being a war criminal.

Career

Nixon Administration


Born in Evanston, Illinois, of German descent (his grandfather was originally from Bremen in Northern Germany), Donald Rumsfeld graduated from New Trier High School and attended Princeton University on scholarship (BA, 1954) and served in the United States Navy (1954-57) as a Naval aviator. He went to Washington, DC, in 1957, during the Eisenhower Administration, to serve as Administrative Assistant to a Congressman from Ohio. After a stint with investment banking firm A. G. Becker from 1960 to 1962, he was elected to the United States House of Representatives from Illinois in 1962, at the age of 30, and was re-elected in 1964, 1966, and 1968.

Rumsfeld resigned from Congress in 1969 during his fourth term to serve in the Nixon Administration as Director of the United States Office of Economic Opportunity, Assistant to the President, and a member of the President's Cabinet (1969-1970); Counselor to the President, Director of the Economic Stabilization Program; and member of the President's Cabinet (1971-1972).

In 1973, he left Washington, DC, to serve as U.S. ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in Brussels, Belgium (1973-1974).

Ford Administration



In August 1974, he was called back to Washington, DC, to serve in the Ford Administration successively as Chairman of the transition to the Presidency of Gerald R. Ford (1974); White House Chief of Staff member of the President's Cabinet (1974-1975); and the 13th U.S. Secretary of Defense (1975-1977). During this period he oversaw the transition to an all volunteer military and was instrumental in increasing the power of the military within the administration and at the expense of the CIA and Henry Kissinger. This was accomplished by promulgating the view that the Soviet Union was increasing defense spending and pursuing secret weapons programs, and that the proper response was a re-escalation of the arms race. This view was in direct contrast to CIA and generally accepted reports on the declining state of the Soviet economy, and the earlier success of Richard Nixon in establishing Detente (referring to a thawing of the Cold War) with the Soviet Union.

As part of the Ford administration, Rumsfeld helped formulate the White House response to the death via LSD of CIA scientist Frank Olson. Olson, a participant in the controversial MKULTRA project, was determined to be a security risk after developing moral qualms about his work on mind control experiments, deciding to leave his government work and become a dentist. Unwittingly given LSD and apparently thrown to his death out a hotel window in 1953, the circumstances of Olson's death remained a mystery to his family until they were unearthed by the congressional Church Committee investigation into the CIA's domestic activities. In response to their threat to sue the United States government, White House staffers Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney reportedly warned President Gerald Ford that a lawsuit concerning Frank Olson could result in the public disclosure of additional and related measures taken in the interest of national security that could extend popular dissatisfaction with the intelligence community and federal government. An out of court settlement was offered, along with personal meetings between the Olson family and the White House. The White House maintained, however, that Olson's death was a suicide, a detail that remained unchallenged until an exhumation of Olson's body suggested the scientist had been murdered. The exhumation was inspired by the Olson family's discovery of a CIA manual on interrogation that recommended drugging a subject before throwing them out a window. The full story was reported in late 2004 by The Baltimore Sun in a story reprinted in papers around the country, including here in the San Francisco Chronicle.

In 1976, a military recruit in New Jersey died from a flu that experts speculated might be the "swine flu". At Rumsfeld's urging, the Ford administration quickly produced and distributed huge amounts of vaccine. Some batches were contaminated. 600 people sickened and 52 died. The program was stopped and nobody got swine flu.

In 1977, Rumsfeld was awarded the nation's highest civilian award, the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

Private career


From 1977 to 1985 Rumsfeld served as Chief Executive Officer, President, and then Chairman of G.D. Searle & Company, a worldwide pharmaceutical company whose products included, among others, the oral contraceptive pill Enovid. It was under Rumsfeld that Searle got FDA approval for the controversial artificial sweetener, aspartame. During his tenure at Searle, Rumsfeld reduced the number of employees in the company by around 60%. The financial turnaround of the company earned him awards as the Outstanding Chief Executive Officer in the Pharmaceutical Industry from the Wall Street Transcript (1980) and Financial World (1981). Rumsfeld is believed to have earned around US$12 million from the sale of Searle to Monsanto.

From 1985 to 1990 he was in private business. During his business career, Rumsfeld continued public service in a variety of posts, including:

*Member of the President's General Advisory Committee on Arms Control - Reagan Administration (1982 - 1986);
*President Reagan's Special Envoy on the Law of the Sea Treaty (1982 - 1983);
*Senior Advisor to President Reagan's Panel on Strategic Systems (1983 - 1984);
*Member of the U.S. Joint Advisory Commission on U.S./Japan Relations - Reagan Administration (1983 - 1984);
*President Reagan's Special Envoy to the Middle East (1983 - 1984);
*Member of the National Commission on the Public Service (1987 - 1990);
*Member of the National Economic Commission (1988 - 1989);
*Member of the Board of Visitors of the National Defense University (1988 - 1992);
*Member of the Commission on U.S./Japan Relations (1989 - 1991);
*Member of the Board of Directors for ABB Ltd (1990 - 2001);
*FCC's High Definition Television Advisory Committee (1992 - 1993);
*Chairman, Commission on the Ballistic Missile Threat to the United States (1998 - 1999);
*Member of the U.S. Trade Deficit Review Commission (1999 - 2000);
*Member of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) and
*Chairman of the U.S. Commission to Assess National Security Space Management and Organization (2000).

[[Image:Donald_saddam.jpg|150px|frame|Rumsfeld, at the time Ronald Reagan's special envoy to the Middle East, meeting with Saddam Hussein during a visit to Baghdad, Iraq in 1983. Video frame capture, see the complete video

Rumsfeld served as Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of General Instrument Corporation from 1990 to 1993. A leader in broadband transmission, distribution, and access control technologies for cable, satellite and terrestrial broadcasting applications, the company pioneered the development of the first all-digital high definition television (HDTV) technology. After taking the company public and returning it to profitability, Rumsfeld returned to private business in late 1993. Until being sworn in as the 21st Secretary of Defense, Rumsfeld served as Chairman of Gilead Sciences, Inc. He was also chair of the RAND Corporation.

Reagan Administration


During his period as Reagan's Special Envoy to the Middle East, Rumsfeld was the main conduit for crucial American military intelligence, hardware and strategic advice to Saddam Hussein, then fighting Iran in the Iran-Iraq war. During this period, US policy supported Iraq, believing it to be a useful buffer against Iran's new religious government, although the United States had originally been hesitant to work with a Soviet client state. When he visited on December 19-20, 1983, he and Saddam Hussein had a 90 minute discussion which covered Syria's occupation of Lebanon, preventing Syrian and Iranian expansion, preventing arms sales to Iran by foreign countries, increasing Iraqi oil production via a possible new oil pipeline across Jordan. Not mentioned was Iraqi production and use of chemical weapons. The Iranian government had cited several Iraqi air and ground chemical weapons attacks in the preceding two months, and the Iranian news agency had reported the use of chemical weapons as early as 1981. The US State Department first condemned the use of chemical weapons in the war on March 5, 1984, two days before the ICRC confirmed Iranian allegations.

Rumsfeld's civic activities included service as a member of the National Academy of Public Administration and a member of the boards of trustees of the Gerald R. Ford Foundation, the Eisenhower Exchange Fellowships, the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, and the National Park Foundation. He was also a member of the U.S./Russia Business Forum and Chairman of the Congressional Leadership's National Security Advisory Group.

Rumsfeld was a founder and active member of the Project for the New American Century, whose goal is to "promote American global leadership" and which in September 2000 proposed to invade Iraq. He signed the 1998 PNAC Letter sent to President William Jefferson Clinton advocating the use of force in Iraq to "protect our vital interests in the gulf".

While Rumsfeld was on the board of directors of ABB, the global technology group, they issued a press release on January 20, 2000 that said they have signed contracts to deliver equipment and services for two nuclear power stations at Kumho, on the east coast of North Korea. The deal was part of the 1994 U.S.-North Korea nuclear pact. He has not made any public statements explaining the arrangement.

Bush Administration


Appointed defense secretary soon after President George W. Bush took office in 2001, Rumsfeld immediately announced a series of sweeping reviews intended to plot the transformation of the U.S. military into a lighter, more nimble force. These studies, led by Pentagon analyst Andrew Marshall, drew widespread resistance from the military services and members of Congress, who worried that Rumsfeld would cancel pet projects. (Eventually, he succeeded in killing the Army's Crusader howitzer and its Comanche armed scout helicopter.) Media reports in the summer of 2001 ran under headlines like "Will Rumsfeld Be The First Of Bush's Cabinet To Go?"

That changed with the military operations launched after the Sept. 11 terror attacks. Rumsfeld led the military planning and execution of the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan and the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Rumsfeld pushed hard to send as small a force as possible to Iraq, a concept codified as the Rumsfeld doctrine.

Rumsfeld's plan resulted in a lightning invasion that took Baghdad in well under a month with very few American casualties. Critics complained that were almost no preparations for the occupation of Iraq that followed. Many government buildings, plus major museums, electrical generation infrastructure, and even oil equipment were looted during the transition from the fall of Saddam Husein regime to the establishment of the Coalition Provisional Authority. Critics further complained that there was noplan to deal with the existing Iraqi armed forces. They were disbanded, leaving hundreds of thousands of armed and unemployed men in the country. A violent insurrection began shortly after the occupation began.

It has been argued that Rumsfeld should be held responsible for war crimes committed during the invasion by the U.S. military at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. A war crimes complaint filed against him in Germany by the Center for Constitutional Rights and was not accepted.scraps Munich visit over war probe Eight men who say they were tortured at Abu Graib filed a federal suit against Rumsfeld in his home state of Illinois.

After the German and French governments voiced opposition to invading Iraqi, Rumsfeld labeled these countries as part of "Old Europe", implying that countries which supported the war were part of a newer, modern Europe.

He gives more press conferences than his predecessors. The BBC Radio 4 current affairs program Broadcasting House had been so taken by Rumsfeld's various remarks that it once held a regular slot called "The Donald Rumsfeld Soundbite of the Week" in which they played his most amusing comment from that week. Rumsfeld himself is said to have found the slot "hilarious." Rumsfeld's penchant for talking with his hands also made him the butt of jokes, including a series portraying him as a martial arts master.

Bush retained Rumsfeld after his re-election, which raised eyebrows among Democrats and some Republicans. During a 2004 meeting with US troops in Iraq, Rumsfeld responded to a soldier's comments about inferior military equipment by saying "you go to war with the army you have," a comment some characterized as needlessly cold. The response to the question lasted for about an hour and the soldiers present gave Rumsfeld a standing ovation after the speech. There was also criticism about his use of a signature machine to sign the condolence letters to the families of the soldiers killed in Iraq and Afghanistan.

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