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Browse by: John Spratt (0.19 seconds)
 
 
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And it raises a fundamental question: How long can we move the world in one direction while we move in another direction, and do we want to backslide into an era that we finally emerged from where we had a nuclear weapon for every tactical mission?
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As costs mount, in lives and dollars, it is natural to second guess, but one lesson I hope we have learned is that the U.S. cannot go it alone in a policy that leaves American troops taking all the risk and American taxpayers paying all of the costs.
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Books and movies both document the historic achievements of the Tuskegee Airmen.
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Deficits become debt, and the growth of the national debt over the last four years shows how serious the problem is.
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Democrats and Republicans alike support our military personnel.
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Domestic discretionary spending on education and health care and the environment has been growing at 2 to 3 percent a year. He says we have to rein it in, but he ignores the spending category that is the big spike in the budget.
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Four years ago, the budget was in surplus. Now the budget is mired in deficit, to the tune of $413 billion in fiscal 2004.
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I am not disputing the need for this money. What I am disputing and calling attention to is the fact that we are taking the tab for defense in our time against terrorists in the Middle East and elsewhere and shoving this tab off onto our children.
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I think it is fair to ask can we fund the government if we have massive deficits and yet keep on cutting taxes?
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In any event, let me suggest simply that we ask ourselves, which is a more likely threat, that we be attacked by ICBM with a return signature on it, or by some stealthy terrorist in the back of a paneled truck with some hidden device in Lower Manhattan or Los Angeles?
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Just a few short years ago in the year 2000, the last full fiscal year of the Clinton administration, this country was running a surplus of $236 billion.
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Mr. Speaker, our Armed Forces won an impressive victory in Iraq, but the Pentagon was poorly prepared for the aftermath.
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Our country, the United States of America, may be the world's largest economy and the world's only superpower, but we stretch ourselves dangerously thin by taking on commitments like Iraq with only a motley band of allies to share the burden.
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Our troops are the best-trained, the best-equipped, the best professionals, the finest fighting force the world has ever seen.
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President Bush enjoyed an advantage that practically no President in modern times has enjoyed. He came to office with a surplus that his economists projected to be $5.6 trillion between 2000 and 2011, over a 10-year period of time, an unprecedented surplus.
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Since the Pentagon underestimated the number of troops required after the end of hostilities, we were not prepared to prevent looting or to guard hundreds of weapons dumps spread throughout the country.
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So, basically, what my colleagues are electing with these tax cuts is not to pay it, but to shift the cost onto our children.
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The impact of the Tuskegee Airmen was felt well beyond the skies of Europe and North Africa. Their actions spearheaded and influenced social changes back home, and resulted in the integration of our Armed Forces.
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The situation in Iraq, unfortunately, differs dramatically from the rosy picture that was painted for us by expatriates before the war.
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The Tuskegee Airmen were dedicated young men who became America's first African-American airmen, defying the many people who thought they lacked the intelligence, skill, courage, and patriotism to fly.
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The young in this country, and you fellows are young by my reckoning, have a right to be concerned about the course that our government, the Federal Government, is taking under President Bush.
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They agreed on one thing for sure, that the gravest threat facing the United States is that of terrorists armed with nuclear weapons.
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This war so far has cost us $125 billion and counting, because largely we decided to do it on our own, with only the United Kingdom as a paying, fully participating partner.
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Three big assumptions proved wrong: one, that the Iraqi people would welcome us as liberators; two, that oil would soon pay for Iraqi's rebuilding; and, three, that we have plenty of troops, weapons, and equipment for the postwar situation.
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We are not here to score political points. We are here to call attention to a problem that we think has grave consequences.
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We can have tax cuts, but when we have tax cuts and do not have a surplus, the amount of the tax cut goes straight to the bottom line, adds to the deficit, and the deficit adds to the national debt, and sooner or later, the debt has to be paid.
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We developed during the 1990s a series of budget process rules that helped us bring to heel these deficits, diminishing every year and moving the budget so into surplus.
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We have got thousands of nuclear weapons in order to achieve deterrence.
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We would take a little bit of money out of a huge increase in ballistic missile defense and put it in a place where it will do a lot of good, namely, in targeted pay increases to our enlisted personnel, particularly our NCOs and our junior warrant officers.
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What do interest rates do when they go up? They stifle growth in the economy, long-term growth and short-term growth.
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What we are effectively doing, I say this to the young people of America whom my colleagues represent, is leaving our children and grandchildren the tab for fighting a war, letting them pay for the lion's share of it by simply adding it to the national debt.
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With no other security forces on hand, U.S. military was left to confront, almost alone, an Iraqi insurgency and a crime rate that grew worse throughout the year, waged in part by soldiers of the disbanded army and in part by criminals who were released from prison.
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Without the Guard and Reserve, our active duty troops could hardly deploy.
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