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Browse by: Martin McGuinness (Biography) (0.18 seconds)
 
 
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Along with that ongoing process Sinn Fein took a decision to establish a peace commission which had the responsibility to travel around the country to receive submissions from the general public, also our opponents.
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At the first hearing here in Derry, Unionists came along and they made no bones about the fact they were Unionists, but they had no difficulty coming into a Sinn Fein peace commission stating their view.
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But the fact is that the vast majority of Republicans support the Sinn Fein leadership.
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Everybody knows that every single person shot on that day was an innocent marcher.
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I am aware that there is a tiny group of Republicans who are opposed to the peace process. I have no problem with that.
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I haven't done anything that I'm ashamed of.
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I think people need to put forward a strategy that brings Republicanism forward.
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If the British government is prepared to say that the Unionists will not have a veto over British government policy and that guns, vetoes and injustices will all be left outside the door, then there is no good reason why talks cannot take place in an appropriate atmosphere.
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In fact, I would defend to the death their right to express a different point of view.
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It's essential that we get the new beginning to policing, that we get demilitarisation, that we bring about the change in the justice system, that we ensure that there is equality and human rights and of course that we deal with, in a sensible fashion, the issue of all of the arms.
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Let everyone leave all the guns - British guns and Irish guns - outside the door.
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Let us walk into the conference room as equals and not second class citizens.
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Let's leave beside them in another pile all the injustices which exist in the northern state.
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Most people in the nationalist community find it incomprehensible after the British government were in contact with Sinn Fein, both directly and indirectly, for the greater part of last year that we now have a situation since the Downing Street Declaration there has been no contact whatsoever.
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Our ability to make a decision about the declaration is hampered by the British government being reluctant to give us the clarification which we require.
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Sinn Fein is the fastest growing party on the island of Ireland.
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So they now move to plan B and plan B is if you can't blame the people who were killed on the day try to blame Martin McGuinness.
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That's healthy and good for us that there are people who are prepared to question what we are doing.
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The British government effectively caved in to his threat of resignation. This caving in to loyalism just sent shock waves through the nationalist community.
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The British government moved in a unilateral and illegal way to suspend the Good Friday institution known as the Executive.
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The British government says that for Sinn Fein to be involved in talks the guns must be left at the door.
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The British government was duty bound to bring forward sensible demilitarization proposals, but they didn't do it.
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The fact is that a car used by Gerry Adams and myself during the course of the Mitchell review was bugged by elements within British military intelligence.
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The greatest injustice ever inflicted on the beleaguered nationalist community was to be trapped in a gerrymandered, undemocratic sectarian state.
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The main message to come out of the Ard Fheis is a unanimous endorsement of Sinn Fein's peace strategy and total support for the efforts of Gerry Adams and John Hume.
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The most important thing to say is that Sinn Fein isn't going back to anything. We are a party on the move.
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The peace process is about more than how we remove the guns from Irish politics.
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The unionists have set out from the beginning to use the issue of decommissioning to try and block progressive change.
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There is a belief within the nationalist community that there was collusion between state forces and the death squads.
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There is a sense within many people within the city, that the ability of the Saville Tribunal to achieve the full truth is very limited.
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We believe that British rule should end and there should be a 32-county republic.
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We don't have difficulty engaging in debate with anybody on the decisions we have taken and the strategy we are committed to.
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Well I think it has always been a mistake to reduce the peace process in Ireland to a decommissioning process.

Biography

James Martin Pacelli McGuinness (born May 23, 1950) is an Irish nationalist politician. He is the Sinn Féin MP for Mid Ulster, but has refused to take his seat. He is also a member of the currently-suspended Northern Ireland Assembly, and served as Education Minister in the Northern Ireland Executive.

He joined the Provisional IRA in the 1970s, and negotiated along with Gerry Adams with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Willie Whitelaw, in 1972. He was convicted by a Republic of Ireland court in 1973, after being caught with a car with 250 lb. of explosives and nearly 5000 rounds of ammunition. He was sentenced to 6 months, and refused to acknowledge the court. Throughout the 1970s he was convicted of multiple murders and bombings throughout Northern Ireland.

After his release, and another conviction in Ireland - this time for being a member of the PIRA, he became increasingly prominent in Sinn Féin, the political wing of the IRA. Following a series of intimidation shootings and attacks on polling stations throughout Northern Ireland, he was elected to a short-lived assembly at Stormont in 1982, and was later banned from entering Great Britain under the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

He had become Sinn Féin's chief negotiator in the time leading to the Belfast Agreement. He became MP for Mid Ulster in 1997, and after the Agreement was concluded, was returned as a member of the Assembly, and nominated by his party for a ministerial position in the power-sharing executive. He was re-elected to the Westminster Parliament in 2001, but along with the rest of his party has refused to take his seat, because it would mean swearing an oath of alliegance to the Queen.

In November 2003 he confirmed to the Bloody Sunday Inquiry that he had been leader of the IRA in Derry in 1972, at the time of Bloody Sunday.

Related Topics

*IRA Army Council
*IRA Chiefs of Staff
*Irish Republican Army
*Gerry Adams
*Sinn Féin
*History of Northern Ireland
*Terrorism
*The Troubles
*Northern Ireland peace process

...(more on Wikipedia)

This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Martin McGuinness".
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