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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		A free society is not an unpoliced society. A free society is a self-policed society.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		A year from now, I'll be very surprised if there is not some grand square in Baghdad that is named after President Bush.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		Acknowledge that a more closely integrated Europe is no longer an unqualified American interest.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		But even a nation of laws must understand the limits of legalism. Between 1861 and 1865, the government of the United States took tens of thousands of American citizens prisoner and detained them for years without letting any one of them see a lawyer.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		But if the UN cannot or will not revise its rules in ways that establish beyond question the legality of the measures the United States must take to protect the American people, then we should unashamedly and explicitly reject the jurisdiction of these rules.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		Dictators must have enemies. They must have internal enemies to justify their secret police and external enemies to justify their military forces.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		Few governments in the world, for example, praise human rights more ardently than does the government of France, and few have a worse record of supporting tyrants and killers.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		George Tenet has been the director of central intelligence since 1997, time enough to have changed the Agency's culture. He has failed. He should go.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		If we just let our vision of the world go forth, and we embrace it entirely, and we don't try to piece together clever diplomacy but just wage a total war, our children will sing great songs about us years from now.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		In any event, the problem in Iran is much bigger than weapons. The problem is the terrorist regime that seeks the weapons. The regime must go.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		In the Middle East, democratization does not mean calling immediate elections and then living with whatever happens next.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		National sovereignty is an obligation as well as an entitlement. A government that will not perform the role of a government forfeits the rights of a government.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		No operational commander should have to assign a soldier a task that could be done as well by a computer, a remote sensor, or an unmanned airplane.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		Non-citizen terrorist suspects are not members of the American national community, and they have no proper claim on the rights Americans accord one another.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		Nor should we exclude the possibility that Islamic terrorism may begin to make common cause with Western political extremists of the far Left and far Right.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		Right now, American law bars the admission of aliens suspected of terrorist activity - but not of terrorist sympathies.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		Sometimes the things we have to do are objectionable in the eyes of others.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		The administration's solicitude for Muslim sensitivities might well have been interpreted by many Muslims as a vindication of bin Laden's methods.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		The determination of the State Department to reconcile the irreconcilable, to negotiate the unnegotiable, and to appease the unappeasable is an obstacle to victory.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		The jealousy and resentment that animate the terrorists also affect many of our former cold war allies.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		The lax multiculturalism that urges Americans to accept the unacceptable from their fellow citizens is one of this nation's greatest vulnerabilities in the war on terror.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		To stop terrorists before the strike, we must do three things: deny them entry into the country, curtail their freedom of action inside the country, and deprive them of material and moral support from within the country.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		We can train Iraqi soldiers to combat insurgencies while respecting human rights, as we have trained armies in the Philippines and Latin America.
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Vote: Vote +1 Vote -1		We should force European governments to choose between Paris and Washington.

Biography
Richard Norman Perle (born September 16, 1941 in New York City), of Jewish-American background, is an American political advisor who served the Reagan administration as an assistant Secretary of Defense and served on the Defense Policy Board Advisory Committee from 1987 to 2004. He was Chairman of the Board from 2001 to 2003 under the Bush Administration.

Perle was a strong advocate of the 2003 invasion of Iraq and predicted that Saddam Hussein's forces could be defeated in no more than months.

He is a member of the Project for the New American Century (PNAC) and was one of the signers of the January 26 1998 PNAC Letter sent to President William Jefferson Clinton. Perle has spent considerable time in Israel and is considered a supporter of the conservative Likud party.

On more than one occassion Perle has behaved in a allegedly unethical manner to his own financial gain. His behavior in both the public and private spheres has been investigated and the board of Hollinger International singled him out in a report citing diversion of profits from shareholders to executives.

Education and early career


Perle was raised in Los Angeles and attended the University of Southern California, earning a B.A. in English in 1964. He also studied at the London School of Economics and obtained a M.A. in political science from Princeton University in 1967.

From 1969 to 1980, he worked as a staffer for Democratic Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washington. Perle was considered as an extremely knowledgeable and influential person in the Senate debates on arms control. As a Jackson staffer, he quickly acquired the reputation of a dark and influential figure, a reputation that has followed him through the years in both the public and private sectors. "I really resent being depicted as some sort of dark mystic or some demonic power....All I can do is sit down and talk to someone.", he is quoted as saying. (New York Times, December 4, 1977, Jackson Aide Stirs Criticism in Arms Debate, Richard L. Madden). One of his nicknames is "the Prince of Darkness".

Perle was considered a hardliner in arms reduction negotiations with the Soviet Union. Robert Burns of the Associated Press writes, "Perle was so strongly opposed to nuclear arms control agreements with the former Soviet Union during his days in the Reagan administration that he became known as 'the Prince of Darkness.'" (http://www.ummahnews.com/viewarticle.php?sid=1428)Perle contends that his views and opposition to arms control under the Carter administration had to do with his view that the US was giving up too much at the negotiation table and not receiving nearly enough concessions from the Soviets. Perle called the arms talks under negotiation in the late 1970's "the rawest deal of the century".

Perle's objection to the arms talks between the Carter administration and the Soviet Union revolved primarily around Carter's agreement to halt all cruise missile development in exchange for what hawks saw as few Soviet concessions. The Soviets had a wide lead in cruise missile development in the late 1970s and most naval experts saw this advantage as being capable of crippling the US Navy in the event of a conflict between the two superpowers. Perle is widely credited for spearheading opposition to the treaty, which was never ratified by the Senate.

From 1981 to 1987, Perle was Assistant Secretary of Defense for international security policy in the Reagan administration. Perle was widely criticized after it was reported that he had recommended that the Army purchase an armaments system from an Israeli company that a year earlier had paid him $50,000 in consulting fees. Perle acknowledged receiving the payment the same month he joined the Reagan administration, but said the payment was for work done before joining the government and that he had informed the Army of this prior consulting work.(New York Times, April 17 1983, Aide Urged Pentagon to Consider Weapons Made by Former Client, Jeff Gerth. See also New York Times, April 21 1983, On buying weapons and influence, Editorial.)

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